Ernest Hemingway Hills Like White Elephants Essay - 1

Ernest Hemingway Hills Like White Elephants - Essay Example They enjoyed movement, freedom and fun, but as soon as the lady is pregnant, the man can not stand the fact that now he must settle down like the stable hills. The Bamboo Bead Curtain is another symbol. It makes us think about boundaries or borders. The apparent divide between Jig and the man is their difference of opinion. Jig wants to keep the baby while the man is not ready for fatherhood, especially because they don’t seem to have been married at the moment. The pregnancy itself is a curtain that precludes communication between the two. At the end of the story the ‘curtain’ of difference turns to be an unbreakable wall. The frequent orders for beer and the beer itself also represent the use of a substance to obstruct smooth communication. Instead of discussing the important issue that has come up, they keep on asking for beer just to obstruct the communication between them. The beer also represents an element to quench their thirst for unanswered questions: These questions never seem to be satisfactorily answered and Jig is extremely thirsty for the answer. And in the event that they have no answer, the beer seems to act as a quenching element although liquid is not exactly her craving. These symbols make us involve intellectually into the story for, it is often difficult to understand them. Once we understand what those symbols represent, they also involve us emotionally into the story especially while sympathizing with

Fairness Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 3250 words

Fairness - Essay Example In order to deal with aforementioned workplace issues, the government policy-makers have been focusing on greater regulation of employment practices through effective implementation of existing federal, state and local laws. In simple words, regulation is an attempt to enhance the bargaining power of employees who, in most cases, are the victims of unfair practices of employers (the dominant party). For instance, if workplace laws are not correctly implemented then the dominant party (either employees or workers) may create disciplinary issues, thereby leading to workplace unfairness. However, if laws are not followed then the guilty party has to bear adverse consequences in the form of suits and claims for damages. HR managers also have significant importance because today they are viewed as employee advocates and strategic partners. Therefore, HR managers communicate with strategic planners to comply with workplace legislations for greater workplace fairness that reduces absenteeis m, conflicts and turnover rates; while leading to greater organisational harmony, cost efficiency and business growth. Law-makers could make legislations fool-proof through eradication on any shortcomings, could enhance workplace fairness through audits (visits for check and balance), through surveys and interviews with employees, and through evaluation of employers’ practices. 1. Background / Introduction Today, we are living in a globalised world which is highly competitive and challenging for employers and employees. The growth of media, developments and advancements in information technology followed by improvements in communication networks have forced the companies to change their business strategies and to focus more on product development, market development and diversification in addition to orthodox market penetration policy / strategy / tactic. Without any doubt, the emergence of mass media has greatly affected / influenced the attitudes, perceptions, behaviours, b eliefs and lifestyles of people all across the globe, thereby compelling the people (who are also potential customers of business enterprises) to consider themselves a part of this globalised world. The entrance of new enterprises in corporate arena has intensified the competition among firms; hence every entity is more focused towards cost leadership so that it could ensure business survival and expansion. For instance, the companies also face financial burden because they are morally and ethically obliged to offer workplace benefits followed by provision of safe and healthy working conditions. In addition, the companies have also been found discriminating against potential workers on the basis of gender, race, ethnicity, age, language disability and colour. Therefore, the evident violations of employee moral and ethical rights have compelled government authorities to formulate and implement workplace laws, rules and regulations as an attempt towards assuring workplace fairness. Su ch laws include â€Å"

The British Foreign Policy

The British Foreign Policy This essay aims to establish the role the Prime Minister plays in setting, shaping and implementing foreign policy in the UK by exploring decision-making patterns by former Prime Ministers in the related field, as well as current governments choices and aspirations on the international arena, and the contribution of Foreign and Commonwealth Office (FCO) and other bodies. As Paul Williams (2004: 911) noted that foreign policy is not made in a political vacuum it is paramount to take into consideration Britain`s national interest in international relations and the countrys position in the existing paradigm of world politics. First, it will define what foreign policy is and why it takes a special place in policy making. Foreign policy will be analysed against following factors: globalisation, public opinion and national interest. Also, it will summarize the key models of the Foreign Policy Analysis (Allison 1971) and question their effectiveness and drawbacks. Second, the essay will refer to case studies on the subject to bring empirical data into analysis. The case studies include the Europeanization of the foreign policy in the UK, the US-UK intervention in Iraq in terms of the ethical foreign policy. They will help to access the role played by foreign policy makers. Given the length of this essay it will not comment in detail on the influence of NGOs, British ambassadors abroad and the economy; however, they are undeniable parts of foreign policy-making process. Finally, the essay will discuss a possible course of action for the UK to take in order to achieve a successful foreign policy and bring back the power to British decision-makers. What could be done to overcome common thinking of foreign policy being about getting our way in an unhelpful world (Cradock 1997: 99-100). What foreign policy is? Definition, context, goals In the modern world it is impossible to imagine a country without a well-defined set of rules of behaviour towards its geopolitical neighbours and economic partners. The question remains, however, as to what extent foreign policy represents interests of leaders, political parties and general public of a particular country. Collective coping with the international environment is, indeed, a useful shorthand definition of foreign policy according to Christopher Hill (2003: 9) but this definition leaves infinite variants of interpretation of what collective is and who plays the leading role in doing so the Prime Minister, the Foreign Secretary, a collaboration of both, official agents interpreting and implementing policies or influence of powerful countries that Britain has close relationship with? In order to understand who conducts the British foreign policy it is essential to outline the policy goals first. William Hague, the current Foreign Secretary, in his speech on the 1st of July, 2010 promises to deliver a distinctive British foreign policy that extends our global reach and influence, that is agile and energetic in a networked world, that uses diplomacy to secure our prosperity, that builds up significantly strengthened bilateral relations for Britain, that harnesses the appeal of our culture and heritage to promote our values, and that sets out to make the most of the abundant opportunities of the 21st century systematically and for the long-term. So for the first time in years in my view Britain will have a foreign policy that is clear, focused and effective. His statement highlights the fact that UK foreign policy is not pursuing one goal; on the contrary, it seeks to accomplish multiple aims: to extend Britain global influence, to secure prosperity, to promote values through culture, etc. Successfully achieving them means achieving each part separately which involves resources and actors in different areas. As a result some policies might overlap and even contradict one another (Williams 2004: 913) and it is worthwhile looking at specific parts of the policy rather than a whole. Foreign policy has been characterised by being overly secretive and elitist which makes it more complicated to trace the decision-making process. Foreign policy takes a special place in the whole policy-making field as it is closely linked with politics. It should not come as a surprise since it deals with sensitive issues like intelligence services and diplomacy, which seldom become available to general public, for obvious reasons: the information might fall into the wrong hands and undermine the objectives set by the policy. Nevertheless, it is possible to comprehend in which direction foreign policy is headed based on the past decisions made by politicians and the impact they made at the time. This direction a state chooses to follow depends greatly on the personality of a leader, current administration and economic situation a state finds itself in. Foreign policy is conducted in complex internal and international environments; it results from coalitions of active actors and grou ps situated both inside and outside state boundaries; it involves bargaining and compromise affecting the interests of both domestic and international groups (Neak cited in Carlsnaes 2008). Foreign Policy Analysis To analyse foreign policy scientifically Graham Allison (1971) in his work Essence of Decision comes up with three models of decision-making related to foreign affairs (known as Foreign Policy Analysis) trying to explain the reasons and causes behind states decisions in a crisis. The first model, Rational Actor Model (RAM), assumes that a single actor (state) makes decisions upon a calculation of possible outcomes, thus decisions are rational reactions to a particular situation. It can be said that state chooses a course of action in line with its national interest trying to avoid losses and maximize benefits. The second model, Organizational Process Behaviour (OPB), is characterised by decision made by multiple organisations that look back at previous precedent and act accordingly. Thus it tries to bring down the importance of central control in decisions. The final model, Bureaucratic Politics, is summarized by Allisons own words where you sit determines where you stand, meaning t hat governmental organizations normally have a preferred way of dealing with an international crisis. These models were used by the scholar to apply different lenses to explain the origins of the Cuban Missile Crisis and establish how and why the USA and the USSR came to the choices they made during the conflict. Allison admits that these three models are not capable of encompassing all possible variants, his study became a milestone in FPA as it attempted to present social science capable of achieving clear and objective explanations of social and political actions. Stein (2008) develops the idea of rational-decision making further: in order for a policy maker to make a rational choice, he/she needs to value how reliable the information is, and whether it comes from a trustworthy source. Moreover, any new information that might turn up has to be evaluated against diagnostic evidence that takes into consideration the consequences the policy maker is considering. Who is in charge? On paper it is the Foreign Secretary who conducts foreign policy in the UK although it hasnt always been the case. The Prime Minister retains the power to declare war and deploy military troops, making the fragile equilibrium of power shift. Tony Blair has shown that depending on who is leading the country, the style of policy-making changes dramatically. During New Labour the most important decisions on foreign policy were not taken at the FCO but in the Cabinet. His leadership earned the name interventiolalist as Britain took part in several military operations: Barras in Sierra Leone, Desert Fox in Iraq amongst others. It is the Prime Ministers decision whether to send troops into combat or not and Blair chose to consult not the cabinet as a whole but rather small ad hoc committees of advisers. Anthony Sheldon (2004: 692) named these groups denocracy as their meetings took place in Blairs office, the den. Such exclusiveness promotes confusion as a small circle of trusted ministers and advisors gives an impression that the policy as a whole is reactive rather than proactive. It is worthwhile mentioning that the UK is a parliamentary monarchy and the Queen is the official ruler in the UK. Although her power is mostly of a ceremonial nature, nevertheless, she plays an important role in representing the country at various levels: the UK, the Commonwealth and internationally. In her speech to the Parliament on the 9th of May 2012 the Queen set the following agenda: to strengthen oversight of the security and intelligence agencies, to seek approval of Parliament on the anticipated accession of Croatia to the EU, to support a secure and stable Afghanistan, to reduce the threat of nuclear proliferation in Iran and to build strategic partnerships with the emerging powers. These goals show that the Queen is far from being above politics, on the contrary, she is greatly concerned with Britains position in the fast developing world and foreign policy is one of her concerns. Factors influencing the British foreign policy: American influence The UK boasts to have a special relationship with the USA in terms of foreign policy. British foreign policy has privileged the idea of working closely with the United States, particularly in the area of international security, where the UK has provided the largest and most effective non-US contingent to three American-led conflicts in recent years twice in Iraq and once in Afghanistan (Wallace and Phillips, 2009: 267). The two countries have been allies for a long period of time and acted accordingly. Britain considers its international relations with the USA to be as important as its ties with Europe, if not more. However, in the light of Britain losing its imperial power long ago and the hegemonic rise of the US, arguably, Britain plays along with the American directives. This was the case in all interventions where the USA took part in the last 60 years except the conflict in the Falklands. It appears that Britain is torn among its own interests, the EU integration and Anglo-American ties (Atlanticism). Blair decided to strengthen the countrys position by addressing these three issues at once. The USA will benefit from a special relationship with the UK when making decisions in Europe and vice versa. This special relationship (Wallace and Philips 2009: 267-274) includes defence cooperation, military nuclear cooperation, provision of bases to the United States and intelligence relationship. But does Britain get out as much as the USA in this relationship? The answer to this question remains unclear: On issues as varied as the Kyoto Treaty, the Ottawa Treaty banning landmines, the war in Kosovo, the attack on Afghanistan, the Middle East peace process, the Iraq war and subsequent occupation, or the holding of British captives at Guantà ¡namo Bay, there has been little evidence of the UKs ability to shape US policy. Indeed, British governments, in clinging to the idea of the special relationship, have generally overlooked the fact that the US has several privileged relationships, notably with Mexico, Israel, Australia, Italy and Poland. (Wallace 2009: 65) While Brits assume that Americans hold certain sentiment towards shared past and noble goals, the USA might be pursuing its own national interest instead. Riddell (2003) argues that America is not disposed to sacrifice national interest on the altar of nostalgia or sentiment and shows scant regard for those who do. It shows that no matter who the USA considers to be its allies, it is going to pursue its own national interest and foreign policy. Tony Blair was not the first Prime Minister who chose to play a bigger role in foreign-policy making. Margaret Thatcher in her role as the Prime Minister had her own very specific view on how to conduct foreign policy. Her initiative to take part in the military conflict in the Falklands wasnt supported by the USA at first which didnt stop her. She had very distinctive views about Anglo-European relationship as well and the FCO was often excluded from the decision-making process. She blamed the FCO for being pro-European and considered creating a separate body to counteract the FCOs dominance in foreign policy-making. The UK and the EU: the FCO adapting to Europeanization While Anglo-American relations occupy an important place in Britains foreign policy there is another undeniable partner that has become more and more relevant in the recent years the European Union. British policy-makers have traditionally accorded a higher priority to transatlantic security relations than to relations with their European partners. This is despite having enjoyed arguably more success in shaping the actions of the EU than in influencing key decisions in Washington. In recent years, and on crucial issues such as defence, energy and environmental policy, Tony Blair played a crucial role in shaping the EU agenda. (Wall cited in Menon, 2010) After Britain joined the EU (EEC) in 1973 it became apparent that the country needs to integrate into the EU and to do so it had to adapt and reform its foreign policy. The FCO anticipated the changes both with suspicion and high hopes for a stronger Europe. Inevitably the line between domestic and foreign has become thinner and thinner as the EU touched upon an array of issues. Since the creation of the EU has influenced its member states so greatly it is argued that they became Europeanized. Bulmer and Burch (1998: 602) define Europeanization as the extent to which EC/EU requirements and policies have affected the determination of member states policy agendas and goals. Arguably the FCO lost part of its power to the EU in terms of policy-making towards Europe. The FCO wanted to retain its power as a sole determinant of Britains national interest. David Allen (2008: 3) points out that the FCOs position within British central government has been both enhanced and challenged by European integration. At the same time David Milliband (2009) emphasizes how important albeit difficult the integration is we can lead a strong European foreign policy or lost in hubris, nostalgia or xenophobia watch our influence in the world wane. Structurally, a Permanent Under-Secretary (PUS) remains as the top role of the FCO. PUS coordinates the FCOs work overseas and its administration. Another key role is held by Political Director, who makes sure that Britains interests are represented at European Political Cooperation (EPS), which is now effectively the top policy advisory post. Allen (2008) explains how these posts work as a tandem: The specific position of Political Director can be explained in terms of Europeanization in that the FCO willingly adapted its management structure so as to effectively participate in the EPC. This adaptation has led to spillover whereby the Political Director now plays a larger role than perhaps originally intended. However, the different roles played by the PUS and Political Director are the result of both EU membership and other factors, especially the need for improved management within the FCO. Britain remains being euro-sceptic towards further integration in the EU, it repeatedly criticises the current weakness of the economy in Europe and is not satisfied with being a member of the three major states (along with Germany and France) that have to help out weaker countries sometimes at their own expense. However, in the era of globalisation further integration is inevitable and the UK is more Europeanized than it thinks is. At a general level British foreign policy has undoubtedly been affected by a process of Europeanization, although the extent to which this has impacted upon actual policy will vary from issue to issue. In particular, British policy has been Europeanized at an ideological level, in regard to foreign policy-making, and in relation to the agenda and content of policy. However, the process of Europeanization has not entirely subsumed a distinctly British foreign policy. In this sense, successive British governments have been quite successful at using the European level of foreign policy to achieve its own objectives and simultaneously prevent unnecessary levels of integration. (Williams, 2002) Paradoxically, the EU shouldnt have foreign policy in the first place as it is not a sovereign state. Because of Maastricht Treaty 1993 the EU member states are committed to a common European and Security policy (CFSP) which enables them to pursue their own national interests but at the same time to coordinate them on the European level. This can be achieved with the help of the European Community, the CFSP and Justice and Home Affairs (JHA) which are responsible for different policy issues such as external economic relations, political and security question, international crime and terrorism respectively. Sometimes events on a global scale are capable to change foreign policy almost overnight. The 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York transformed British, European and American foreign policy and only after three days, on the 14th of September, the EU passed a declaration on European arrest warrants and measures to combat terrorism. This brings another foreign-policy dilemma the ethical dimension. As Tone Blair declared to bring human rights at the very heart of foreign-policy it remains unclear which ethics British foreign policy should pursue. The war on terror had best intentions in its core; nevertheless, Britain has to draw a line on its use of power to do so. Blair followed the doctrine of liberal interventionism, promoting liberal beliefs and sometimes imposing it on the countries with contrasting views: Afghanistan, East Timor, Iraq, Kosovo, Sierra Leone and the Democratic Republic of Congo. If democracy and the rule of law are imposed in a non-negotiable way it becomes unethical as a result. Cases such as Iraq invasion in 2003 bring to attention this delicate matter in foreign policy. There was no direct threat to either US or UK sovereignty, the public polls disapproved of the intervention, yet both countries favoured the invasion. The workings of the EU institutional system mean that the coalition government may also struggle to exert the influence it desires. Britain already suffers from its exclusion from and lack of clear engagement with a key consultative forum the Eurogroup (comprising those member states that have adopted the euro). This structural weakness is only heightened by the absence of the Conservative Party from the European Peoples Party, whose members include the German Chancellor, the French President and the President of the European Commission. David Cameron will not be able to attend their pre-summit meetings, at which they coordinate negotiating positions. In other ways too, Conservative suspicions of European integration may limit the ability of the UK to achieve all that it could within the framework of the Union. What is more, to be reliable and effective foreign policy must attract domestic legitimacy, which means involving the public in the same kind of continuous dialogue as takes place over tax or transport policy. If we can accept the centrality of foreign policy in our political life without seeing it as a way of merely exporting our own superiority, we shall stand a better chance of, first, coping collectively with outsiders; second, making a contribution to a more stable and civilized international system; and third, avoiding the kind of catastrophic mistakes which cost hundreds of millions of individuals their lives in the last century, the century of progress. Public opinion and media shaping foreign policy Public opinion is another important lens of foreign-policy making. As we live in a world where communication has become instantaneous powered by digital media both politicians and policy-makers try to use it to their advantage. According to Robinson (2008) there exist two models capable of analyzing the impact of public opinion and media on a policy. The pluralist model suggests that the media and publics are independent of political influence and, as such, can act as a powerful constraint upon governments. The elite model, on the contrary, assumes that media act merely as mouthpieces for government officials, operating to mobilize publics in support of respective policies. The case of the polls on the Iraq War in the UK showed that although the majority disagreed with Tony Blairs decision to engage in the conflict, they did not stop the Prime Minister from changing his course of action. The consequences of this decision resulted in Blair not being re-elected, as the media coverage r evealed more details about the rising number of casualties in the war. Bias of the media should also be put under scrutiny the newspapers in the UK (as well as the rest of the world) often cater to different political parties promoting a certain agenda and delivering a policy chosen by that party to the public. Thus, it is extremely difficult to account for the influence of the media due to the fact that public opinion might not be partial having been shaped by the media. Foreign policy is always the product of a society, a polity, interpreting its situation and choosing who chooses is another matter to act or react in a particular, unpredetermined way. Conclusion In conclusion there is not a definite answer to who conducts the British foreign policy. Different Prime Ministers showed a ranging level of involvement into foreign policy-making process. Factors such as Europeanization, the US-UK alliance, public opinion and economic crisis make it more difficult to understand to what extent one person or several people (the Prime Minister and the Foreign Secretary along with advisors) can follow through with the propositions set at the beginning of a governments term. The process of foreign-policy making involves civil servants, ministers and officials of all spectrums as well as independent advisors, experts from the UK and worldwide. While most significant decisions are made by the Prime Minister, he makes his choice based on the data and evidence he has been given. Finally, it is not enough to simply formulate foreign policy, the major stages of the policy-making process fall onto the shoulders of civil servants who interprete, implement and pr esent the policy. Moreover, there are multiple foreign policies in the UK which demand different approaches. If the UK wants to remain its international power that has been in decline after the fall of the Empire and maintain the foreign policy that is coherent at all stages of the policy-making process, it needs to find balance between pursuing its national interest, skilfully presenting and implementing the policy at the domestic and the international levels and managing the members involved in the process. Britain faces not a menu of alternative routes to far-reaching international influence, but a choice between imperfect options (Cradock 1997). UK needs to go through the three-step process identified by Christopher Layne (cited in Menon, 2010) determining the countrys vital interests, identifying threats to these and deciding how best to deploy national resources in order to protect them.

Symbols and Symbolism in Nathaniel Hawthornes The Scarlet Letter :: Scarlet Letter essays

Symbolism in The Scarlet Letter In The Scarlet Letter by Nathaniel Hawthorne, the theme revolves around a sin that has been committed. It takes places in the seventeenth century in the Massachusetts Bay Colony. Hester Prynne, who had an affair with the local Reverend Arthur Dimmesdale, commits the sin. Roger Chillingworth is Hester's husband while the affair is taking place. Because of the affair, Hester and Arthur have a daughter named Pearl. The sin that Hester commits is adultery. Hawthorne uses a variety of symbols throughout The Scarlet Letter, and he symbolizes the scarlet letter "A" in several ways. In the Puritan community, "A" is a sign of punishment, and the red "A" is worn on the chest of the offender's clothing. The "A" may mean adultery, Angel and Able. Hester, after years of helping, serving and sympathizing with the townspeople, was viewed by the Puritans to mean Able rather than adulteress; "A" meant Able; "so strong was Hester Prynne, with a woman's strength" (186). For example, when Hester has won some respect from the Puritans, "Such helpfulness was found in her, -so much... that many people refused to interpret the scarlet "A" by its original signification" (186). To the Puritans the letter "A" also symbolizes an Angel. "A great red letter in the sky, Ñthe letter A..." showed up at Governor Winthrop's death in the sky" (182). "For, as our good Governor Winthrop was made an angel this past night..." (182). The meaning of the "A" is also different to each of the characters. To Hester it is a constant reminder of humiliation and of the sin that she committed. Dimmesdale believes that the "A" reminds him of his own guilt, and there is no way that he can forgive himself. The "A" to Pearl, a young girl, is a bright and mysterious curiosity. Hester Prynne is an English woman who is punished by having to wear the embroidered scarlet letter "A" on the breasts of her clothing receives public humiliation by standing in front of the townspeople of Boston. The "A" that Hester wears is "... in fine red cloth, surrounded with an elaborate embroidery and fantastic flourishes of gold thread..." (58). Hester Prynne, through the eyes of many Puritans, is an extreme sinner; she has gone against the Puritan ways, committing adultery. For this harsh sin, she must wear a symbol of shame for the rest of her life.

2002 Ap Euro Dbq: Manchester

The Effects of Industrialization on Manchester, England 1750-1850 England in the 18th and 19th centuries changed dramatically as a result of the Industrial Revolution, which had many effects on the social structure of England and increased the gap between the rich and the poor. Because of this, industrialized English towns such as Manchester were both criticized and admired by poets, politicians, journalists, and outsiders, who were particularly from France. The most powerful points of view were from supporters of industrialization, those who opposed industrialization, journalists, and outsiders. Supporters of the industrialization of Manchester were typically British politicians or businessmen, impressed by the progress and production of Manchester. One of these was Englishman W. H. Thomson, writer of History of Manchester to 1852. Thomson provides a map that shows the growth of Manchester over a period of one hundred years in which in transformed from a small town into a robust industrial city with railroads and canals. This map shows how industrialization leads to rapid population growth and expansion, making Thomson an obvious supporter of industrialization. Another supporter of industrialization was Englishman Thomas B. Macaulay, a liberal member of parliament and a historian. In his essay, â€Å"Southey’s Colloquies,† Macaulay praises industrialization and Manchester for producing wealth for the nation, which in turn would improve the quality of life for the middle class and peasantry. A final supporter of industrialization was Wheeler and Co. , which praises the industrious spirit of Manchester in the preface to an 1852 business directory, shortly after Manchester was granted a royal charter as a city. The authors owe the fruits of the city’s labor to its â€Å"energetic exertions and enterprising spirit,† which is an unrealistic description of the motivations of the working class, and the preface was likely propaganda, being in association with the Crown. The supporters of industrialization were the ones becoming richer by it. They were separated from the working class and did not understand their plight. Those who opposed the industrialization of Manchester were more concerned with the well-being of those affected by it. These were poets, women, socialists, and health reformers who were disturbed by the living and working conditions of the middle class and the peasantry. One protester was Robert Southey, an English Romantic poet and author of Colloquies on the Progress and Prospects of Society in 1829. Being a Romantic poet, Southey laments on the industrialization of the city and describes it as a miserable place where the buildings which are â€Å"without their antiquity, without their beauty, without their holiness,† and where, â€Å"when the bell rings, it is to call the wretches to their work instead of their prayers. Another protester is Frances Anne Kemble, an actress, poet, and dramatist, who, in her account of a journey of the Liverpool and Manchester Railway in 1830, depicts a protest by the disgruntled working class over Corn Laws, which were tariffs on imported grain. In her depiction, the protesters scorn the â€Å"triumphs of machinery† and the â€Å"gain and glory which wealthy Manchester men were likely to derive from it. † This is a very Romantic depiction, as the protesters are breaking free from their bonds to choose liberty over wealth. A final protester was Edwin Chadwick a public health reformer, who, in his Report of the Sanitary Conditions of the Laboring Population of Great Britain, argued that the cramped conditions, unsanitary practices, and air pollution of Manchester greatly lower the average lifespan of its citizens, and that more lives are lost due to unsanitary conditions in industrial cities than in modern wars. Journalists reporting on life in Manchester were sometimes in favor of industrialization, but some opposed it. One journal in favor of the industrialization of Manchester featured an article by William Alexander Abram, a journalist and historian, in 1868. Abram claimed that conditions had increased dramatically since the early Industrial Era through law reform. A journal that was opposed to the industrialization of Manchester was the Lancet, a British medical journal founded and edited by Thomas Wakley. In 1843, The Lancet published a chart displaying the average age of death in four districts, two of which were industrial and two of which were rural. The average age of death in the industrial districts was far younger, but was especially young in Manchester, showing that Manchester was indeed the unhealthiest of industrial cities. A final journal that protested the industrialization of Manchester was The Graphic, a magazine that dealt with social issues. The Graphic published a picture of a view from Blackfriars Bridge over the river Irwell in the 1870s. The picture was a very dirty depiction of Manchester, showing smokestacks that blotted out the sky with lack plumes of smoke and waste pouring directly into the river Irwell, both of which caused tremendous health issues for the people of Manchester. Outsiders who visited Manchester in the 19th century were often disgusted by the monochromatic, unsanitary, and dangerous lifestyle of the laboring class of Manchester. These were typically French socialists who spoke out against the maltreatment of the poor by the rich. One such Frenchman was Alexis de Tocqueville, author of Journey s to England and Ireland in 1835. De Tocqueville, a socialist, tells us that the city of Manchester is based on the successes of individuals and the enslavement of others, rather than the success of society as a whole. Another French Socialist opposed to the industrialization of Manchester is Flora Tristan, a women’s rights advocate, who published her journal in 1842. The fact that it is her private journal makes it the most credible source to the opposition of industrialization because she is merely reflecting and not attempting to sway anyone’s mind. Tristan describes the working class of Manchester as sick and emaciated, and ends her entry with this lamentation: â€Å"O God! Can progress be bought only at the cost of men’s lives? † The industrialization of Manchester in the 18th and 19th centuries created wealth for the rich, but conditions for the laboring class worsened, and the gap between rich and poor increased. Many poets, socialists, and health reformers criticized the industrialization of Manchester, but politicians and business praised the industrious spirit of the city that filled their pockets. All of these feelings led to the revolutions of the 19th century and the rise of socialism and communism.

Historical Vacation in Nevada Essay

At present, Nevada is one of the largest and the best states in the U. S. Visiting this state simply means not finding a shortage of action. Nevada is one of the only places in the States where it is possible to perform morning ski world-class runs and afternoon world-class green walks. Nevada is also famous for Tahoe Rim Trail, Truckee River, Sand Mountain, and world-class shows and dines and world-famous casino and resorts. Aside from these, Nevada is also a state rich in culture and history. This is the reason why with my time machine, I decided to visit Nevada with my History professor. I chose to visit Nevada with my History professor because I thought that he is the best person who can help me understand special places and people in this state. However, with so many periods and so many places to explore, I asked my History professor, where should we begin? Historical Vacation in Nevada I had quite a long discussion with my professor about the places, period, and events to visit. After a long discussion, we both agreed to take my time machine and go back to the 19th century where some of the famous Nevadans, in the field of politics and arts, existed. For our first destination, my professor asked me to set my time machine to the 19th century. With a wink of an eye, we landed on a very beautiful place. I was very surprised to see mansions, 19th century houses, imported furniture, stylish fashion which seem to have come from the Orient and Europe. I had the impression that this place was a very boisterous town. I asked my professor if he knows this place. At first, he didn’t have any idea until we saw gold in the hills and dollars being made. I saw my professor’s eyes widened while saying â€Å"We are in Virginia City, Nevada! † We walked around the beautiful town and we saw a man walking on the street. My professor’s face brightened up and he told me that this man is a very important man in the history. I looked at the man’s face and realized that I saw it once in one of my history books. I suddenly remembered; this man is none other than William Morris Stewart! My professor explained that Mr. William Morris Stewart was one of the participants in the mining litigation in Virginia City, Nevada in 1860. He also helped and played a big role in the Comstock Lode’s development. Nevada became a state in 1864 and Mr. Stewart helped in the development of the State’s constitution (Smith, 1943). However, his role in the state as a politician and lawyer had always been very controversial. He was accused by his opponents of bribing juries and judges (Plazak, 2006). Despite this, Mr. Stewart was still elected as a Republican in the United States Senate in 1864 and served until 1875. He was again elected to the United States Senate in 1887 and was reelected in 1893 and again in 1899. During his term in the Senate, Mr. Stewart co-authored or drafted important legislation, including land reclamation laws and mining acts. However, he became famous for authoring the 15th Amendment to the US Constitution in 1868. This amendment promotes the protection of people’s voting rights regardless of color, race, or previous servitude condition. It was a great pleasure to learn about the contributions of Mr. William Morris Stewart but of course, it was really a great pleasure to experience visiting Virginia City. We went back to my time machine and went to a slightly different setting but also in the same period, the 19th century. When we landed, what I saw was not at all as beautiful as what I saw in Virginia City. I had the impression that we were in a ghost town. It was so dusty, hot, humid, and all I could smell was dust. I asked my professor where we were and he told me that were in Goldfield, one of the important cities of Nevada. I was surprised because it was so different from the Goldfield I know of during my time. While wandering in this ghost town-like place, we saw Mr. George Wingfield, the man behind the Nevada business mining camps. Once again, my History professor explained that Mr. Wingfield converted the useless mines of Nevada into great mines. He was one of the greatest organizers that put mining companies into operation (Time US, 1937). My professor further explained that Mr. Wingfield’s first mining venture in the State was in Golconda copper mines. It was a hard time for him as he was practically stripped off and had a gold fever but he was not discouraged. He was also the man behind the fight against the Western Federation of Miners and Industrial Workers of the World. These two organizations controlled the situations in the mine and George Wingfield was so determined to go against the orders and he succeeded, giving freedom to majority of miners in the mines. Again, it was a pleasure for me to know that Mr. George Wingfield was behind the success of Goldfield. For our last destination, my professor decided to go to early 20th century of Reno. I was so fascinated to see that Reno in the early 20th century was not at all so different from the Reno I know of. I was entertained by the peculiar neon marquees as they cast an outlandish nighttime glow on Nevada’s ever famous Truckee River. From a distance where my professor and I were standing, we could see the hotel towers as they punctuate the high-desert setting of the city between the arid Great Basin and the Sierra Nevada’s eastern slope. However, what I won’t forget about this early 20th century to Reno is my encounter with Mr. Robert Cole Naples, one of the famous painters of the USA. My professor and I agree that he had contributed a lot in the American art. References Smith, Grant. (1943). The History of the Comstock Lode. Univ. of Nevada Bulletin, 37(3), 69. Plazak. Dan. (2006). A Hole in the Ground with a Liar at the Top. Univ. of Utah Press 10: 0-87480-840-5, 26-27. Time US. (1937). King George. Retrieved 04 May 2009 from .